I.) On the International Situation

US imperialism, the number one threat to continued existence of humanity, continues to sow war and coup plots the world over. This is to be expected, the enemy will remain the enemy. When we speak of imperialism, we of course also speak of what Nkrumah called “the last stage” of imperialism, which is neocolonialism. Lenin defines imperialism as, essentially, the monopoly stage of capitalism — capitalism that is dying. Capitalism, we know, will never die peacefully, but will reach out and pull whatever it can down with it, including the entire human species and our planet. We Communists must acknowledge the existential threat that climate change poses to our species and unite with all, domestically and internationally, who not only seek to combat it but also share our analysis that it is directly attributable to the machinations of capital. The effects of climate change are already being felt by hundreds of millions of people in the Third World. This century will see millions of climate refugees fleeing the effects of imperialism on our planet.

In the United States, we already see the effects of climate change and the capitalist exacerbation of crises. An increase in deadly winter storms hitting states such as Texas, and the unforgettable images of the working class being left in the dark to freeze and starve while the skylines of cities such as Austin, which belong to the capitalists, remained lit. Hurricanes and floods sweeping the houses of the proletariat into rivers and oceans, with gentrifiers, modern day colonizers, coming in to steal what hasn’t been swept away. Internationally, climate change caused by the imperialists will create 200 million climate refugees by the year 2050 — subsuming low lying island nations like the Maldives underwater and displacing entire cultures. Cities by the ocean, such as Lagos, Mumbai and Dhaka, will be radically transformed if not destroyed. Yet, millions of people continue to be driven off the land into these massive super-cities, forming shantytowns and squatting. This opens the way for dozens of new contradictions — the push factor of neoliberalism and massive land theft from the poor peasantry, and the transformation of coastal cities by climate change.

The primary contradiction on the world stage remains the contradiction between countries oppressed by imperialism and imperialist countries. A small percentage of the world consumes the lion’s share of the world’s resources, condemning the majority of the world’s population to hunger, lack of medicine, homelessness, and all kinds of easily preventable ills. We have seen the First World gobble up nearly all of the world’s supply of COVID-19 vaccine, while condemning the Third to misery and suffering. The rich flee India while the toiling masses suffer in overcrowded hospitals, and gravediggers work 24 hours, 7 days a week. Furthermore, we have seen the majority of the world turned into a playground for the US military and all kinds of mercenary bandits. AFRICOM has spread US military bases all over the African continent. We still remember the failed coups in Bolivia and Venezuela, coups plotted simply because these countries sought to use their resources for the benefit of their people. We also see the continued attempts by the US to strangle Cuba and Palestine through sanctions and all kinds of diplomatic and economic tricks, along with support for vile puppet dictatorships such as that in Haiti.

We see the United States continuing to obstruct the Filipino people’s movement for new democracy and socialism, providing arms and training to the forces of the fascist Duterte to vainly attempt to stamp out the struggle of the people. We also see the continued attacks on Communists in India, Mexico, Brazil, Peru and Turkey, carried out with weapons and advisory support supplied by US imperialism. All this is the work of a paper tiger that is becoming wet, with the US unable to hold on to its traditional bought and paid for allies and outflank rising Russian and Chinese imperialism. Moribund imperialism grasps and grabs whatever it can to offer it a bit of relief, yet it is marching into its grave all the more. The US is the current hegemonic world power, and the primary task of Communists in the United States in international affairs is to develop a United Front againt US Imperialism based on the principles of proletarian internationalism, militant opposition to US imperialism, pan-Africanism on a socialist basis, and working solidarity with movements for new democracy and socialism in the global South. Communists should integrate with and offer support to progressive diaspora communities in the United States, collaborating on educational and other support activities on a nonsectarian basis. We must also support the just rebellions of the people of the Global South against the machinations of Yankee imperialism wherever and however they occur.

The US is ramping up its conflict with social-imperialist China in the Pacific region. The position of Communists should not be support for social imperialism as a sort of “lesser evil”. China is not an oppressed or exploited country, but one that demolished the socialist base beginning in the late 1970s with the revisionist “reform and opening up” line pushed by Deng Xiaoping and others. As comrades in the Communist Party of India (Maoist) have pointed out, China is now functioning as an imperialist power in the Third World, and it is the responsibility of Communists to recognize this fact. This being said, our primary task as Communists in the US is to struggle against our own country’s imperialism, and support Communists in China struggling against their country’s social imperialism who have been suppressed in a ruthless way.

II.) On the Domestic Situation

The struggle against the police led by Black people continues to develop in a militant way. Continued atrocities committed by the police drive a huge mass movement that is only growing and developing, with rebellions happening with increasing frequency and intensity. Throughout history, the primary contradiction in the United States has been the fact that this country is built on the backs of a proletariat captured from Africa on land stolen from indigenous people. The primary contradiction on the global level manifests itself in the particular situation of the United States, imperialism exists at home as well. The tendency among right opportunists to flatten the national contradiction into a simple adjunct of the “class struggle” is the main cause for the failure of the Communist movement to give leadership to these struggles in the United States. The class struggle in the United States is the national liberation struggle, and vice versa. The contradiction between oppressed nations and this settler-colonial edifice can only be resolved through the breakup of the United States. There is no reform that can settle the antagonistic contradictions between stolen labor, stolen land, and the entity which exists at the continued expense of oppressed nationality people. The existence of the settler nation is based on the exploitation and theft of land/resources from nationally oppressed people at home and the entire Third World.

The history of the labor movement in the United States has been that of Black and Brown workers taking the lead while settler workers either lag behind or join the struggle out of opportunism only to betray the movement, siding firmly with capital when it benefits them — in short, the vacillating nature of the aspiring petit-bourgeoisie. This goes all the way back to the slavery era, as Du Bois points out in Black Reconstruction:

It would have seemed natural that the poor white would have refused to police the slaves, but two considerations led him in the opposite direction. First of all, it gave him work and some authority as overseer, slave driver, and member of the patrol system. But above and beyond this, it fed his vanity because it associated him with the masters, slavery bred in the poor white a dislike of negro toil of all sorts. He never regarded himself as a laborer, or as part of any labor movement. If he had any ambition at all, it was to become a planter and to own Negroes. To these negroes he transferred all the dislike and hatred which he had for the whole slave system. The result was that the system was held stable and intact by the poor white.

So we see Du Bois sum up the primary contradiction well — there was and is no united labor movement because there was and is no united labor. This was foreclosed by the refusal of settler “labor” to form unbreakable links with the masses of the African proletariat which had and has nothing to lose. This continues to inhibit the development of a unified revolutionary labor movement today. The cutting edge of the labor struggle in the United States has historically, and remains, the struggle of African proletarians. Du Bois argues that Africans forced to toil on plantations and industries in the South conducted a general strike, fleeing en masses to the Union Army and sealing the fate of the old slave power. Africans freed themselves, either through force of arms and sabotage or through this general strike. The unity of the proletariat, George Jackson taught us, comes about only through the vicious struggle against white chauvinism and racism within the proletariat. White chauvinism and racism is the wrecking bar which has destroyed hopes for proletarian unity in action in the United States.

Back to the modern national liberation movement, neocolonialism operates by offering positions, sponsorships, prestige and pay to backwards elements, the Jesse Jacksons, Al Sharptons, and DeRay McKessons, in exchange for dragging the people’s struggle back into the arms of the Democrats and the capitalist-imperialist system. We also see a Black political class, represented by individuals such as Lori Lightfoot (Mayor of Chicago) and Tishaura Jones (Mayor of Saint Louis). These figures use their status as nationally oppressed people to attempt to beguile the masses and justify a “kinder fist” approach towards their struggle. The masses recognize these figures for what they are, and continue to rebel under “Black” administrations. Once again, we see how the national struggle is also a class one – these elements betray the aspirations of the Black proletarian masses for liberation on a socialist basis by serving and administering the cities on behalf of the white ruling class. The primary tasks for Communists in these movements are to struggle against and expose neocolonial elements, combat right opportunism which plays down the central contradiction of American history, and support the left wing of these movements. The left wing is that which opposes collaboration and recuperation with capitalism, upholds and promotes working class leadership, and supports militant tactics. The left wing must be nurtured, encouraged, and developed through struggle on the ground and political education in the methods and ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This is where revolutionary cadres come from, struggle and education.

The working population in the United States is a multinational one, with nationally oppressed/migrant workers, as most exploited, being the cutting edge in the battle against capitalism-imperialism. The nature of the working class in the United States has changed, just as Huey P. Newton predicted in his thesis on Intercommunalism, with the service industry employing the majority of American workers. The ruling classes’ own statistics support the thesis of transformation of the proletariat. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 22,730,000 Americans will be employed by state, local and federal governments in 2029. 23,491,700 Americans will be employed in healthcare and social assistance industries by the year 2029. 22,831,400 Americans will be employed in businesses/professional services, 17,691,500 in leisure and hospitality, and 15,275,900 in retail trade. Combined, these industries are projected to employ 102,020,500 Americans in the year 2029. The total number of Americans to be employed in the service industry is projected to be 137,150,700. The total population of the United States is projected to be 355,101,000 in the year 2030, which means that at this time, 39% of the working American population will be employed in service industries. Keep in mind that this is just the working population – large strata of workers will be almost permanently unemployed or forced to take “odd jobs”, join the growing ranks of the full time lumpen/proletariat or bounce back and forth between temporary labor with no benefits. Also keep in mind that just because one receives a wage or is counted in these figures does not make them proletarian – these figures include petit-bourgeosie, professionals, executives and others. The industries that are projected to grow the fastest in terms of jobs between the years 2019 and 2029 are: Health care and social assistance, with 3,079,100 jobs added, professional and business services, with 1,518,300 jobs added, and leisure/hospitality, with 1,115,600 jobs added. The only goods producing (non-agriculture) industries that are projected to increase jobs wise are construction and mining, with 393,400 jobs added between them. Manufacturing, on the other hand, is projected to lose 444,800 jobs. This can be attributed to the dual pressures of automation and continued neoliberal strategy of outsourcing, directly exporting capital to exploit workers in the Global South.

What all this means, essentially, is that Communist labor strategy must be upgraded for the 21st Century, with stress being given to organizing among workers in the fields of hospitality/leisure, construction, retail, business/professional services, and healthcare. Healthcare in particular is a key industry, as the COVID situation has demonstrated all too well. An aging population (by 2030, all baby boomers will be over 65) means more workers in healthcare. In Saint Louis, the largest single private employer is a hospital network, Barnes-Jewish, and this is the case in many other cities of this size. Hospitals will increasingly become sharp trenches of class struggle and we Communists must take our place. We must reject the class collaboration that has poisoned the AFL-CIO and other old style trade unions, and new, revolutionary, Communist led unions must be formed from the ranks of advanced workers who reject these old, rotten tools of the labor aristocracy. Home healthcare, nursing homes, and other sub-industries must be taken into account and organized as well. These service industries are stratified, and stress must be given to the lowest paid, most exploited strata. Particularly in nursing and home healthcare, the lowest paid positions are mainly comprised of nonmen, queer people, and migrants, especially from the West Indies, Africa, South Asia, and the Philippines. Communist cadre and formations must go among the lowest, deepest and most exploited workers in these industries and build a labor front, giving special stress to the conditions of nationally oppressed workers and steeling them for cadre development and leadership. The militant labor struggle on the shop floor must be tied in an intentional and organized way to the demands of the semi-proletarian youth who rise up against the police in cities and towns both large and small.

In regards to the settler working class, we acknowledge that there is a basis for unity with the most advanced, as the conditions of this group are increasingly becoming more untenable as imperialism spirals more and more out of control, moving from crisis to crisis. As was mentioned earlier, this group is still, by and large, a vacillating strata, pulled between social democracy and fascism. Fascism, the rule of the most reactionary elements of the bourgeoisie in response to crisis, is a phenomenon that is distinguished by its cross class nature, especially in settler-colonial countries. In South Africa, we saw both working class and bourgeois settlers supporting fascist apartheid against the indigenous African masses, and in Israel we see all classes of settlers working together to steal land from and murder Palestinian people. It is the same in the United States, with all classes of settlers working together as settlers to suppress and hound the movements of the nationally oppressed. This can only be combated by settler Communists doing deep and thorough political education among their own people, breaking them from loyalty to the settler-colonial project, the concept of whiteness, and uniting them with the majority of the world’s demands for socialism. Special attention must be given to strata of the settler proletariat who are nonmale and queer, as they have even more reason to struggle against settler-colonialism due to their position, by and large, as outcasts from “respectable” settler society. Education and struggle is still needed among these strata, as their status as settlers is still the primary contradiction. It is also possible to unite with semi/proletarian settler elements who have experienced the injustices and abuses of the prison system, which traps the cast offs from the settler proletariat, though not to the extent that entire nations, particularly the New Afrikan and Chicano, have been criminalized and brutalized by the fascist criminal injustice system. In essence, nonmale, queer and criminalized settlers are the vanguard of the settler population in the United States, and it is no accident that it is from these populations that most notable settler Communists have come. Marilyn Buck, Ed Mead, the Young Patriots, and others who historically have heeded Kwame Turé’s advice for white revolutionaries to organize their own people have come from these strata because they realized that their oppression is due to capitalism-imperialism and settler colonialism eating the lowest strata of its children at the root, and struggled to end it.

Fascism will continue to rise and assert itself, as fascism is endemic to the very soil of the United States. The events of January 6th were a fascist putsch attempt and, despite the predictable Biden crackdown (on both left and right, with stress being on the left as always), are being hailed as a victory by the militant Right. The class character of the attempt was overwhelmingly petit-bourgeois, with farm/ranch owners, business owners, and professionals comprising the ranks of those who successfully breached the Capitol. Not a single proletarian demand was raised, contradicting the claims of the social-fascist Bernie Sanders who says that they were “motivated by poverty”. We can expect this decade to be full of ever more fascist and government violence. A Party and people’s self-defense corps must be developed without fail to meet this challenge and defend the people.

In short, the character and concentration of the American proletariat will continue to change throughout the 2020s and it is the task of the Communist movement to continue to integrate itself with the movements of the nationally oppressed proletariat, especially in key industries. It is essential to struggle for leadership and combat neocolonialism, yellow unionism, economism, and other forms of right opportunism which are essentially tantamount to a drowning man clutching at a reed in the middle of the ocean. Revolution and conquest of gains must always be at the forefront of every revolutionary’s mind, and the necessity of the conquest of power by the oppressed nationality proletariat must inform all actions.

III.) The Tasks of Communists in this Situation And Basis for Tactical Unity

The Communist movement in the United States exists mainly in small propaganda and protest group form, unchanged since the defeat of the New Communist Movement at the beginning of the 1980s. The NCM was destroyed principally by sectarianism, dogmatism, and failure to adapt to the changing situation. It failed to take into account the rightward shift in the politics of the country as a whole, and isolated itself from the principal mass movements of this era, namely the feminist movements, the anti-nuclear proliferation movement, the environmentalist movement, and the queer movement. It is our task to struggle against the tendencies which destroyed the NCM, principally left-sectarianism. There are mass movements in this country not of our making, and it is our task to integrate deeply in them and provide principled leadership through action while maintaining our organizational and political autonomy.

There has been much struggle over the utility of mutual aid, with some rejecting the principle altogether while others have reduced it to strategy. Both are wrong, the first being left opportunism, and the second being right opportunism and economism. The correct Communist relationship to mutual aid is to use it as a tactic to lay the foundation for broader, more militant work. Correct proletarian mutual aid work was displayed during the Minneapolis Uprising of 2020, when proletarians/semi-proletarians who took part banded together to distribute expropriated goods from Target and other stores. The Communist Party of the United States made a major error during the Depression of the 1930s when they labeled all mutual aid work “economism and social democracy” and destroyed the work of countless nonmale activists who had been steadily building mass ties through correctly handled mutual aid work along with organizing work through the Unemployed Councils. This error continued during the NCM era, when formations gave stress to a vague “class struggle” while maligning or remaining aloof from efforts by proletarians to provide for their day to day needs. Now, we see it happening again through blindly and dogmatically labeling mutual aid “economism”. Our experience has been that mutual aid work has been good for laying the basis for sharper and more militant work, however there is the danger of becoming bogged down in the logistics of these programs. The solution we have found is to gradually encourage the administration of these programs by the masses themselves, especially when they can be tied in to militant struggles such as tenant organizing efforts and strikes.

Maoism must be applied to the concrete conditions of the American situation. This doesn’t mean “find a quote that on the surface applies”, but to seriously apply the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to this country. What are the basic principles/elements of Maoism that we uphold? The Basic Course explains:

• The universality of the theory of contradictions.
• The development of the theory of knowledge and the formulation of the mass line of ‘from the masses, to the masses.
• The theory of new democracy, the formulation of the path of revolution for the colonies and semi-colonies, and the formulation regarding the three magic weapons of the revolution – the party, people’s army and the united front.
• The theory of protracted people’s war and the development of the principles of military warfare.
• The development of the organizational principles of the proletarian party through the understanding of two-line struggle, rectification campaigns and criticism and self-criticism.
• The development of the political economy of socialism on the basis of the Soviet and Chinese experience and the dialectical understanding of the process of socialist construction as the correct handling of contradictions in the process of transition to socialism
• The theory and practice of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat to consolidate socialism, combat modern revisionism and prevent the restoration of capitalism, and its concrete expression in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

Essentially, Maoism is the sum of 150 years of class struggle. It takes into account the lessons of the Paris Commune, the development of the Bolshevik Party and the struggle against opportunism in the Second International, the development of socialism for the very first time in the world’s first proletarian state, the USSR, the experience and limits of the project of socialist construction in that country, the Chinese Revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and the ongoing people’s wars in the Third World. Being a Maoist in the United States in the year 2021 means studying and learning the lessons of previous attempts to form an anti-revisionist Party, the pitfalls of Avakianism and where they came from, and the failure of the Communist Party of the United States to link up thoroughly with the masses of nationally oppressed proletarians and make revolution. Maoism is the ruthless criticism of everything that exists, and that especially includes ourselves and our predecessors. With this historical knowledge, we can thoroughly understand the failures of the Communist movement and apply these lessons to the construction of the Communist Party for which the masses have clamored for decades. Maoism is not a dogma, it is a guide to action and organization. Maoism continues to be developed through the experience of the working class movement, and it is imperative for Communists to use this guide effectively through viewing and applying it as such.

The task of the Communist movement in the United States is to move beyond mere critique, polemic, protest, mutual aid and militant propaganda, and form a Party. This being said, a Party can not be declared on paper or with a few principles of unity. Many have taken this path, and all have run into problems. Parties can only be declared on the basis of thorough and deep mass work among the people, winning either concrete gains or losses, which must be analyzed and learned from by the entire movement. The basis for the development of Communist cadre is this work, combined with collective study and involvement in the mass movement. It is not possible to be a Communist by yourself, isolated from the actual movement, refusing to engage in class struggle, and not linked with others who share your views in your general area. A Communist is developed over the course of their entire lifetime. Furthermore, it is impossible to build a Party without taking into account the failures of previous party-building attempts and the capture of the CPUSA by revisionism and opportunism, beginning in the 1930s. Party-building can not be rushed, as a rushed party will inevitably collapse due to unresolved contradictions. A Party program is developed on the basis of a thorough class analysis and social investigation of the country in which the Party is established and lays out a basis for work, a general line, and the path for the struggle for socialism on through to Communism. It encompasses and lays out the basic principles of the Party. A Party Constitution lays out the rights, responsibilities, and roles of individual members, committees, and officers of the Party, and lays out the basic organization and methods of work of the Party. Both of these essential documents must reflect our concrete conditions in the United States, a capitalist-imperialist formation. Such things in the United States must take into account our concrete situation as Communists working within an imperialist surveillance state.

Finally, it is necessary to lay the foundations for a firm United People’s Front of all organizations in the United States who are opposed to capitalism-imperialism, who support the national liberation of oppressed nations, and who are willing to collaborate on things that are of benefit to the proletarian movement in the United States. Formations within the United Front will collaborate in such things on which all agree, such as: struggle against the police, anti-fascist work, workers’ struggles, mutual aid efforts, and generation of support for political prisoners. The United Front will have regular regional meetings and conferences to discuss work and problems, and be guided by principles of agreement, including opposition to American imperialism, unconditional support for the people’s struggles against oppression and exploitation, and unity on the ground. We believe that such a formation is necessary to assist and provide leadership to disparate struggles and formations both new and old, and help newer comrades find likeminded people with which to form collectives.

IV.) On FTP

We believe that FTP organizations are developing as essential instruments of class struggle, and a national coordinating body is necessary. The national points of unity for FTP organizations are as follows.

• We are anti-capitalist organizations. The current system of capitalism perpetuates class society, which gives rise to many types of exploitation and inequality. We believe that a new system is in order.
• We are firmly committed to combating food and housing insecurity in our regions. We support the work of those who have developed networks to ensure that the most vulnerable victims of capitalism do not freeze or starve.
• We maintain and expand community gardens to address the fact that vast swathes of our communities are food deserts, and to foster small-scale socialized and self-sustaining models of food production, neighborhood by neighborhood, community by community. Likewise, we develop food distribution programs to foster socialized and self-sustaining models of food distribution.
• We establish tenant organization and protection programs to defend working-class people in our communities from landlords and to weaken the power of private property.
• Through these and other initiatives, FTP organizations function as organs of political power for the proletariat, and contribute to the long-term project of sharpening integrity and militant class consciousness and building for revolution.
• We are organizations that follow the mass line. Our leadership ultimately comes from the people. We are not condescending saviors come to save the people from themselves. We unite with and organize the people to save themselves from their exploiters, because we are of the people and for the people.
• We are organizations rooted in the concrete experiences and practices that arose from the experiences of revolutionary experiments in China, the USSR, and in the US, the Black Panther Party. We also are inspired by currently existing movements for liberation in India, the Philippines, Greece, Mexico, and Turkey. A revolutionary movement that wins is able to synthesize and process the experiences of all people who have sought liberation and develop a strategy for their own area. We hold political education classes and discuss how to apply our knowledge to our work. We also sum up everything we do to develop ourselves and divorce ourselves from bad styles of work.
• We are proletarian internationalist organizations. We seek unity and principled relationships with all revolutionary forces around the world and within the United States that have a record of solid work, principled relationships, and real commitment to the revolution. We seek unity first, struggle later. We are not interested in vacuous ideological debates and quarrels over ideology before establishing working relationships.
• We unite with the people of Palestine in their struggle against colonialism. We unite with the Filipino people against bureaucrat capitalism fomented by the US and the fascist regime. We unite with the people of India against land theft and neocolonialism. We unite with the people of Africa, Latin America, and all other regions who are beset by imperialism. We defend and present the case of all who are oppressed and suffering around the world with words, deeds, and education of the masses of our areas.
• We are fundamentally anti-settler-colonial organizations. This means that we believe that the states settled/developed by Europeans outside of Europe are illegitimate. This includes Canada, Australia, and the USA. Our internationalist approach extends to the many unrecognized or oppressed nations within the USA, and we recognize their right to self-determination.
• We are anti-racist organizations, and we are anti-white supremacist organizations. White supremacy is the major threat to the development of a fighting left in the United States. We relentlessly combat and destroy vestiges of white supremacist thinking within ourselves and within others. We also actively struggle against and seek the destruction of white supremacist organizations and institutions. This includes the police and the prison system.
• We are working class feminist organizations, as women were the first dispossessed and exploited group. We combat all forms of machismo and male chauvinism within our organizations and in our communities.
• We are organizations dedicated to the revolutionary liberation of queer people, the class of people in contradiction with the hetero-patriarchal system of gender and sexuality. We encourage the development of queer membership and prioritize queer people in our self defense curriculum and strategy.
• We are organizations dedicated to learning, practicing, and teaching both armed and unarmed self defense. We encourage FTP members to be familiar with defending themselves and others.

These points of unity must be agreed upon and formally ratified by all FTP formations. FTP formations must also participate in regional linkups and discussions to exchange experiences, seek/give advice, and engage in study. At the local level, FTP formations must apply the principles of building the united front of all groups that can be united for specific struggles, and avoid unprincipled sectarianism. FTP formations must also consistently apply the mass line and SICA, and produce reports on struggles and issues within their operational areas. The purpose of the national coordinating committee will be to facilitate political education and exchange of views between different chapters, allow for problems within chapters to be resolved by neutral parties, develop a national disciplinary code and offer a national point of contact for other formations at home and internationally. The objective basis for the existence of such a committee is the growing strength of the FTP movement and the necessity for a national formation to develop unity of action and standardize the building of FTP chapters.

V.) Conclusion

The worsening crisis of Yankee imperialism has provided excellent openings for the strengthening and increased organization of the Communist movement in the United States. Communists must go deeper among the most oppressed workers in key sectors of the economic structure of the United States, involve ourselves deeper in the variety of mass movements that exist in this country, principally the struggle for Black Lives against the police, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to our involvement and interventions in these struggles. We must avoid sectarian squabbling, unprincipled impositions, and wrecking, and instead promote unity of the basic masses of a variety of sectors, movements and areas around basic principles, the most important being national liberation, opposition to Yankee imperialism, and the necessity of the destruction of the system of capitalism-imperialism which threatens the continued existence of humanity. The most advanced activists and organizers of these movements must be educated in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and mass organizations must be developed out of these struggles to provide organization, discipline, and collective study/summation.

The masses clamor to organize the revolution. The people continue to move, rise, and rebel. Our task as Communists is to organize this clamor and this rebellion and form the Communist Party.

FTP-Albuquerque

FTP-Saint Louis

FTP-Carbondale

FTP-DC

FTP-Chicago

FTP-Wichita

FTP-New Orleans

FTP-Salt Lake City

FTP-Bloomington

FTP-Long Beach